From patrickirn@igc.apc.org Fri Jun  3 12:21:26 EDT 1994
Article: 412 of alt.india.progressive
From: Patrick McCully <patrickirn@igc.apc.org>
Subject: Sardar Sarovar Project Overview
Date: 1 Jun 1994 03:59:04 GMT
Organization: International Rivers Network
Lines: 722


/* Written 12:10 pm  May 31, 1994 by patrickirn@igc.apc.org in igc:env.dams */
/* ---------- "Sardar Sarovar Project Overview" ---------- */
                SARDAR SAROVAR PROJECT (SSP)
                         AN OVERVIEW

                        May 30, 1994

     Compiled by Patrick McCully of International Rivers
     Network from a variety of Indian government,
     World Bank, Narmada Bachao Andolan and
     independent sources. 

     Hard copy versions are available for $4 from the
     address at the end of the report (checks payable
     to International Rivers Network).

Contents:
   Location
   Dam Dimensions
   Associated Infrastructure
   Dam Bureaucracy
   Construction Schedule
   Construction in 1994
   World Bank Involvement
   Claimed Benefits
   Financial Cost
   How to Meet Gujarat's Water Needs
   Submergence and Displacement
   Resettlement Conditions
   Position of the Madhya Pradesh Government
   Indian Review Committee
-----------------------------------------

The first recorded proposal for damming the Narmada River
and diverting its water to irrigate crops in Gujarat was
made by a British entrepreneur in 1863. The first serious
study of the development of the whole basin began in 1947.
After independence these investigations were taken up by
various government committees which proposed numerous dams
on the Narmada and its tributaries. The first proposal for a
dam at the Sardar Sarovar site was made in 1959 and
preliminary construction began in 1961. Disagreements
between the states through which the Narmada flows about how
to share its water, however, led to the project being
suspended. In 1969 the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal
(NWDT) was set up to decide the inter-state allocation of
water and the costs of the dams and other infrastructure
needed to exploit the river. The tribunal's decision or
'Award' was made in 1979. Full-scale construction of Sardar
Sarovar began in 1987.

Location

The Sardar Sarovar Dam is on the Narmada River in Gujarat
state, 170 kilometres (106 miles) upstream from where the
river flows into the Gulf of Khambhat in the Arabian Sea.
The Narmada is the largest westward flowing river in India.
A few kilometres downstream from the dam site on the north
bank is Kevadia Colony, the town built to house the
construction workers and related bureaucracy. Vadgam, the
first village behind the dam, starts around one kilometre
from the dam site and stretches out for several more
kilometres along the north bank. About 15 km upstream on the
south bank a small tributary running into the Narmada forms
the Gujarat-Maharashtra border. On the eastern (Maharashtra)
side of the creek is the village of Manibeli, a focus of
resistance to the project where the Narmada Bachao Andolan
(NBA -- Save the Narmada Movement) maintains an office.

Dam Dimensions

The dam is a 1210 m (3970 feet) long wall of concrete across
the valley. It is designed to impound a reservoir with a
full level of 139 m (455 feet) above sea level (asl). The
middle section of the dam is planned to reach a height of
146.5 m (481 feet) asl. The bed of the river at the dam site
is at 17 m (56 feet) asl so the planned height of the dam
above the river bed is 129.5 m (425 feet).

Associated Infrastructure

The main canal leading from the reservoir is scheduled to be
460 km (286 miles) long, eventually reaching the state of
Rajasthan. It is 250 m (820 feet) wide at its head near the
dam and planned to be 100 m (328 feet) wide at the Rajasthan
border. A network of secondary canals totalling 75,000 km
(46,600 miles) in length is planned to deliver the
irrigation water to farmers. Large electric-powered pumping
stations will need to be built to deliver water to the
Saurashtra and Kutch branches of the canal system. A large
powerhouse containing turbines and related machinery is
being built at the dam and a smaller one at the head of the
canal. A weir is to be built at Garudeshwar, around 16
kilometres downstream of the dam, with a capacity to store
six hours of the maximum flow through the Sardar Sarovar
turbines. This water can be pumped back into the reservoir
at times of low daily electricity demand and then released
through the turbines again to generate electricity at times
of peak demand.

Dam Bureaucracy

To oversee the implementation of the dams on the Narmada the
NWDT set up the Narmada Control Authority (NCA) composed of
senior representatives of the governments of Gujarat,
Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh (MP) and Rajasthan, and chaired
by the Water Resources Secretary (the top civil servant in
the central government Ministry of Water Resources). The NCA
has established Environment and Rehabilitation Sub-Groups,
chaired respectively by the Secretaries of the central
government Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) and
the Ministry of Welfare. SSP is being implemented by the
Sardar Sarovar Narmada Nigam Ltd (SSNNL or 'the Nigam'), a
corporation wholly owned by the Government of Gujarat (GoG).
The construction of the dam is contracted to Jay Prakash
(J.P.) Associates, who have a virtual monopoly over major
dam projects in India, and the construction of the canals to
a number of smaller contractors.

Construction Schedule

Completion of the dam is scheduled for 1997. The canal
network will not be finished until 2025 at the earliest. The
annual construction schedule varies between different
official sources. At the start of the monsoon in June 1993 -
the end of the 1992/93 construction season -  the lowest
blocks of the dam were at 61 m asl (the sides of the dam are
much higher). The lowest blocks are currently (mid-May,
1994) at 69-70 m with the rest of the middle section of the
dam at 80 m.

Construction in 1994

According to a Supreme Court decision of August 1990,
'oustees' (the people to be displaced by the reservoir)
should be properly resettled at least six months before
submergence of their homes or lands. Concerns over the slow
pace of resettlement and unfinished environmental studies
led the NCA Environment Sub-Group to recommend in late 1993
that the dam should not be built above 67 m asl during the
1993/94 construction season and that the temporary
construction sluice gates at the foot of the dam should not
be closed. The NCA accepted this recommendation. The sluice
gates allowed the river - outside of the monsoon - to flow
under the dam and prevented any permanent impoundment of
water. During the monsoon (generally early June to late
August), the small temporary sluices could pass only a small
fraction of the swollen river and the rest of the water
would back up and flow over the top of the dam.
     
  At the beginning of January 1994, work on raising the dam
was suspended with the height of the lowest blocks already
above the NCA's height limit, at around 69 m. On January 11,
a statement issued after a meeting in New Delhi between
Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and the Chief Ministers of
Gujarat, Maharashtra and MP, said that there would be no
further construction above 67m unless people were
rehabilitated 'well ahead of time' (the statement falsely
claimed that the dam was then at 61 m). On February 23,
however, the dam authorities without notice closed the steel
shutters on the ten temporary sluice gates and started to
raise the dam wall again.
     
  The day after the sluices were closed the Gujarat High
Court stayed any further work on closure of the sluices,
preventing the authorities from permanently filling the
sluices with concrete. The authorities told the High Court
that the chains on the steel shutters had been cut making
the closure irreversible. Within two weeks of the closure
the river rose to the height of the next set of openings in
the dam, the 'river sluices' at 53 m asl. The level of the
water behind the dam is now around 60 m. Houses and fields
in four villages have been flooded and access roads cut off.

  The number of families to be affected by submergence
during the coming monsoon will depend upon how much further
the dam is raised and how much rain falls. There are no
gates in the dam which can be opened to let flood waters
through. Official estimates of the number at risk during
each monsoon are based on calculations of the height of
water in a 1 in 100 year flood. The Government of
Maharashtra (GoM) has cited figures for the number of
families at risk in the state this year which range from 148
to over 2000. The NBA says that 500 families in Maharashtra
are at risk of losing their houses and many more will lose
crops. GoG claims that all its oustees have been resettled:
the NBA says that 400-500 families in Gujarat are still in
areas at risk this year. The Government of MP (GoMP) now
says 15 villages are at risk, three of which could be
totally submerged. In total, the NBA believes that at least
40 villages are at risk in the three states.
     
  Shripad Dharmadhikary of the NBA wrote in early May about
what is likely to happen during this monsoon:
     
     "Most families would be stranded . . . or dumped by
     the government at inadequate, ill-prepared
     'resettlement' sites . . . Many families would face
     a worse situation as the rising waters would fill up
     the numerous streams and gullies, cutting off access
     roads, and slowly turning the undulating region into
     a series of isolated islands . . . The houses could
     be marooned for as long as 4-6 months."
     
  The families threatened are not only those who have
refused to move because of their opposition to SSP, but also
many who have accepted that the dam will be built and have
asked for resettlement but who have not been given anywhere
to go.

World Bank Involvement

The World Bank agreed to lend $450 million for SSP in 1985.
After years of criticism the Bank in 1991 commissioned a
team of four independent experts to review the resettlement
and environment components of the project. The Independent
Review was chaired by an ex-head of the UN Development
Programme, Bradford Morse. His deputy was Thomas Berger, a
Canadian lawyer known for his work on human rights and
environmental issues. Their report, released in June 1992,
strongly criticised the project and the World Bank's
involvement in it, concluding that:

     ". . . the Sardar Sarovar Projects as they stand are
     flawed, that resettlement and rehabilitation of all
     those displaced by the Projects is not possible
     under prevailing circumstances, and that the
     environmental impacts of the Projects have not been
     properly considered or adequately addressed.
     Moreover, we believe that the Bank shares
     responsibility with the borrower for the situation
     that has developed."

  The international pressure on the World Bank to withdraw
built up over the following months. Finally the Bank
realized that the damaging publicity SSP was creating was
going to get worse and that it needed to find a face-saving
method of extricating itself from the project. It decided
that the best course of action for both itself and the
Indian government was for GoI to request the Bank to pull
out. A deal was made and on March 30, 1993, India formally
requested the Bank to cancel the $170 million remaining to
be disbursed for the project. Around half the money spent on
the project so far has come from the World Bank.
     
  On the same day as the loan was cancelled the Bank's
General Counsel, Mr Ibrahim Shihata, wrote a memorandum
reminding the South Asia Department that notwithstanding the
cancellation all the provisions of its 1985 loan agreements
were still in place. The agreements contain several
conditions on the resettlement and rehabilitation of the
people to be displaced. The World Bank is thus still legally
bound to ensure that the project authorities comply with
these provisions. These conditions are being widely and
comprehensively broken. Non-project specific loans from the
World Bank to India may still be helping to fund SSP.

Claimed Benefits

SSP's backers claim the project will irrigate a 'command
area' of 1.8 million hectares (4.45m acres) in Gujarat and
75,000 hectares (185,000 acres) in Rajasthan; have an
installed power generation capacity of 1450 megawatts;
provide domestic water to over 2.35 million people in 8235
villages and 135 towns in Gujarat; and prevent flooding
downstream.

     Narmada Flow: The NWDT allocated the Narmada water on
     the assumption that in three out of every four years at
     least 28 million acre feet (MAF) (34.5 billion cubic
     metres) of water flowed down the river. However
     measurements of the actual flow between 1948 and 1993
     show that the 75% dependable flow has been only 22.75
     MAF. This reduces the share of water available to
     Gujarat by at least 16%.
     
     Irrigation Efficiency: The irrigation efficiency of SSP
     (the amount of irrigation water which actually reaches
     crops) is assumed in project documents to be 60%.
     Experience with existing irrigation schemes and
     independent studies of the SSP irrigation plans
     indicate that this is unrealistically high. The World
     Bank's 1991 'India Irrigation Sector Review' states:
          
          "Irrigation efficiency in India has often been
          assumed at 60%, whereas a worldwide sample of
          irrigation commands indicates 37-40% efficiency
          in areas of low rainfall under reasonably good
          management, and in higher rainfall zones, an
          average of 23%. Most irrigation commands in
          India probably have an irrigation efficiency of
          20-35%. If assumed efficiency is 60% and actual
          efficiency is 30%, actual water availability
          will be half the assumption at design."
     
     Narmada Sagar: The potential benefits of SSP are based
     on the assumption that it will be able to exploit
     regulated releases of water from the Narmada Sagar
     Projects (NSP) upstream in Madhya Pradesh. NSP (which
     consists of one major dam (Narmada Sagar) and two
     medium ones (Omkareshwar and Maheshwar)) and SSP are
     supposed to work as part of a single system. The NWDT
     stated that MP should "complete the construction of
     Narmada Sagar Dam . . . concurrently with or earlier
     than the construction of Sardar Sarovar Dam." According
     to the World Bank's 1985 Staff Appraisal Report for
     SSP, NSP would be operational by 1993. However,
     construction on Narmada Sagar began only in 1992 and is
     now virtually at a halt with the dam not yet above
     foundation level. The Chief Minister of MP has recently
     said that the state does not have the money to continue
     NSP or other dams on the Narmada. According to the
     NWDT, without Narmada Sagar the irrigation water
     available to SSP would be reduced by at least 17%;
     according to the World Bank, the available water would
     be reduced by 30%. British hydrological consultants HR
     Wallingford (commissioned by the World Bank in 1992),
     concluded that the Sardar Sarovar reservoir would fill
     up with sediment two to three times faster - severely
     shortening the lifetime of the project - if NSP is not
     built.
     
     Unsuitability of Land for Irrigation: Large parts of
     the area slated to be irrigated have soils which are
     highly prone to waterlogging and salinization and are
     unsuited to canal irrigation.
     
     Water Intensive Crops: Despite assertions from GoG that
     water-intensive sugar cane growing will not be allowed
     in the SSP command area, five large sugar cane
     factories are being built close to the head of the main
     canal. Whilst the area to be irrigated has been
     calculated on the assumption that an average of 320 mm
     of water will be delivered to the fields each year,
     sugar cane requires up to 3000 mm. If water is heavily
     consumed by sugar cane plantations in the initial
     reaches of the canal system, much less water will be
     available for users further from the dam.
     
     Little Water for Most Drought-Prone Areas: The project
     proponents claim that SSP will solve the severe drought
     problems of Kutch and Saurashtra, the two driest parts
     of Gujarat. However only 1.6% of the total cultivable
     land of Kutch and 9.24% of the cultivable land of
     Saurashtra are in the SSP command area. Both these
     areas are at the tail end of the canal system and will
     be severely affected by the water shortages in the
     system - all the available water is likely to be
     consumed by the less needy areas of central Gujarat
     before it ever reaches Kutch and Saurashtra. The
     central government and the World Bank have stated that
     the infrastructure to deliver water to Kutch will not
     be fully developed until 2025 AD. Gujarat is currently
     spending 80% of its total irrigation budget on SSP,
     depriving smaller irrigation and water supply projects
     in Kutch and Saurashtra of funds. These projects could
     help alleviate the water crisis in the drought-prone
     areas of Gujarat decades before they have a chance of
     getting water from the Narmada.
     
     Power Benefits: The power from SSP is to be generated
     from a 1200 MW powerhouse at the dam and a 250 MW
     powerhouse at the head of the canal. However the power
     actually produced will be much less than the installed
     capacity, mainly because increasing amounts of water
     will be diverted into the canals, reducing the volume
     of water available to flow through the turbines at the
     dam. When the canal network is fully developed the dam
     powerhouse will become redundant as only the highest
     monsoon flood flows will be allowed to pass downstream.
     GoG's own figures show that firm power generation will
     drop from 425 MW during the first stage of the project
     to a meagre 50 MW at full irrigation development.
     Without NSP the power generation potential of SSP will
     be reduced by a further 25-28% according to World Bank
     and GoG figures. As 16% less water is available in the
     Narmada than assumed by the NWDT, the power benefits
     will be reduced further.
       
       According to the NWDT, Gujarat will get only 16% of
     the power from SSP, the rest being split between
     Maharashtra (27%) and MP (57%). Pumping water to the
     Kutch and Saurashtra branch canals would consume around
     70 megawatts after allowing for the small amounts of
     power generated by turbines in the canal system. Large
     amounts of power would also be required to pump
     groundwater into the canals, an integral part of the
     irrigation plans; to drain the command area soils; and
     to operate the gates and other structures regulating
     the flow in the canals.
     
     Drinking Water: No plans have been completed for how
     the drinking water is to be delivered to consumers, nor
     has any money been allocated for this component of the
     project. In 1992 an NCA publication estimated that tens
     of billions of rupees ($1 = c.30 rupees) would be
     required to provide drinking water for the villages of
     Kutch and Saurashtra. Gujarat's water allocation under
     the NWDT Award did not allow for any village water
     supply. The Nigam Chairman admitted in 1992 that 236 of
     the villages supposed to receive water are in fact
     uninhabited, an illustration of how the drinking water
     benefits have been exaggerated.
     
     Flood Control: SSP will severely restrict downstream
     flows, encouraging people to move into the areas now
     prone to flooding. The reservoir, however, has not been
     designed to hold back the occasional large floods at
     the end of the monsoon, when the reservoir will already
     have been filled in preparation for the next dry season
     and will therefore have no spare flood storage
     capacity. Hydrological consultants HR Wallingford state
     that: "Prior to Narmada Sagar Dam, a large flood
     occurring in the second half of the monsoon period may
     be attenuated by less than 20% . . . The principal
     danger is that reduced flood risk will lead to
     encroachment onto the flood-prone land which may negate
     any [flood control] benefit obtained [from SSP]."

Financial Cost

There are no firm estimates for the total financial cost of
SSP. In 1983 the project authorities' submission to the
World Bank estimated the cost at 42,040 million rupees in
1981-82 prices, including the canals but not the
infrastructure for supplying drinking water. In 1985 the
World Bank estimated the cost as Rs.136,400 million. In
1991, GoG revised its estimate upwards to Rs.90,000 million.
In 1993 it was revealed that this figure does not include
interest of over Rs.17,000 million. The NBA's detailed
analysis estimates the total project cost at current prices
including canals and water distribution as at least
Rs.250,000 million ($8,300 million). A 1994 World Bank
publication cited the project cost as $11,400 million
(Rs.342,000 million).
     
  GoG has unsuccessfully attempted to privatize the
hydropower component of the project in the last few years.
The privatization prospectus put the cost of the power
component at Rs. 29,000 million -  eleven times greater than
the cost cited in the 1979 NWDT Award. The termination of
Japanese and World Bank aid, and the large arrears in the
mandatory financial contributions from Maharashtra and MP
are putting further pressure on Gujarat.
  
  In 1985 the World Bank calculated the values of different
parameters at which the project's net financial benefit
would become zero. Some of these are:
  
     *  Total cost +15%
     *  Total benefits -13%
     *  Power benefits -38%
     *  Dam implementation period +22%
     *  Irrigated yield -15%
     
These are single parameter values, all of which will clearly
be exceeded. Taking the combined effect of the changes in
the parameters, the financial cost of the project must
vastly exceed its potential financial benefit.
     
How to Meet Gujarat's Water Needs

As the project is clearly not going to perform as claimed,
what are needed are not 'alternatives' to SSP, but ways of
solving Gujarat's water crisis, and especially the water
shortages in Kutch and Saurashtra. Several plans have been
developed by engineers and economists (with a minuscule
fraction of the resources put into planning SSP) which show
how Gujarat could fulfil the promised benefits of SSP
without its massive financial, human, and environmental
costs, and much more quickly. GoG's own water agencies have
stated that it is possible to deliver water to Kutch and
Saurashtra much more cheaply and quickly than could be
possible with SSP.
     
  Ashvin Shah, a Gujarati working with the American Society
of Civil Engineers, notes that SSP is based on outmoded
1950s ideas of water development, and its planning has
failed to benefit from the past four decades of experience
with irrigation and water conservation schemes in India and
elsewhere. With the large scale implementation of
decentralized, small rainwater harvesting schemes, claims
Shah, 21 MAF of rainwater could be collected within Gujarat
each year, 50% more than the amount of water supposed to be
made available by SSP. Shah's plan to solve Gujarat's water
crisis is based on a more equitable sharing of the available
water, water harvesting, water conservation, making existing
water supply and irrigation schemes more efficient, the
restoration of degraded watershed vegetation, and making
farming practices less water and energy intensive. He also
advocates the exploitation of Gujarat's wind, solar, tidal
and biomass energy resources.
     
Submergence and Displacement

The NBA believe that over one million people will lose land
or be otherwise severely affected by the various components
of the project. As comprehensive surveys have not been
completed by the dam authorities the following figures are
all estimates.

     Reservoir: Around 91,000 acres (37,000 ha) in Gujarat,
     Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh (MP) will be flooded by
     the 133 mile (213 km) long reservoir. About 28,660
     acres (11,600 ha) of this land is officially classified
     as 'forest land' although the actual amount of tree
     cover on forest land varies greatly. Official estimates
     of the number of families to be displaced (called
     Project Affected Persons or PAPs - a 'PAP' is a family
     unit rather than a person) have increased around six-
     fold since 1979. The latest official estimates from the
     three states add up to 41,500 PAPs, or 207,500 people,
     around 80% of them in Madhya Pradesh. Almost all the
     PAPs in Gujarat and Maharashtra and perhaps half of
     those in MP are adivasis, or tribal people, belonging
     to a number of different groups collectively referred
     to as Bhils. The adivasis to be displaced by the
     reservoir live mainly in 14 villages in Gujarat, 33 in
     Maharashtra and around 53 in MP. The adivasi areas are
     mostly remote and hilly with few social services. The
     adivasis are largely self-sufficient, growing their own
     food and collecting fuel, building materials, fodder,
     fruits, and other resources from the forests and
     commonlands around their villages, as well as relying
     on water and fish from the river. The non-tribal PAPs
     in MP live in around 140 villages in the furthest
     upstream part of the submergence zone, the rich
     agricultural plain known as the Nimad. There are also
     some adivasis living in this area.
     
     Canals: Over 200,000 acres (80,000 ha) of land in
     Gujarat will be lost to the canal network if it is ever
     completed. Estimates for the number of landholders to
     be affected by the canals range from 140,000 to
     222,800. The World Bank estimated in 1992 that 24,000
     of these landholders would lose over a quarter of their
     land (the nature of land records in Gujarat means that
     each 'landholder' in fact represents 3-4 families). An
     estimated 10% of the Canal Affected Families (CAFs) are
     adivasis. The CAFs are not recognized as 'Project
     Affected' and are not eligible for the same
     compensation package as the reservoir PAPs. Families
     who have already lost land to canals have received cash
     compensation far below current land prices.
     
     Sanctuary and National Parks: Over 42,000 adivasis
     would be displaced by the Shoolpaneshwar Wildlife
     Sanctuary in Gujarat planned to compensate for the
     forests and wildlife lost to the reservoir. There are
     no arrangements to resettle or compensate these people.
     Two National Parks which the central Ministry for
     Environment has planned for Madhya Pradesh would
     displace thousands more people.
     
     Downstream Displacement: The dam is planned eventually
     to store and divert all of the water in the Narmada,
     except during the wettest monsoons. This will dry up
     the river downstream destroying the livelihood of at
     least 10,000 fishworker families. It will also severely
     affect the water supply to over 700,000 people in 210
     villages and at least five towns.
     
     Afforestation: Afforestation schemes supposed to
     compensate for the trees lost to the reservoir are
     taking over large amounts of adivasi land. Although the
     adivasis have been cultivating this land for
     generations they often have no legal rights to it and
     therefore receive no compensation for land lost to tree
     plantations.
     
     Secondary Displacement: Large numbers of people are
     dependent on the forest and agricultural land being
     taken over for resettlement sites, either for resources
     such as fuelwood and fodder or for employment. The
     Ministry of Environment and Forests recognizes that
     between 10-15,000 tribals depend on the 3,707 acres
     (1,500 ha) of forest land released for resettlement of
     Maharashtra PAPs by MoEF in February 1994. No measures
     have been taken to compensate these people. An adivasi
     woman in a group protesting against the taking over of
     forest land for resettlement in Maharashtra was shot
     dead by police in July 1992.
     
     Backwater Effect: The larger sediments in the water
     entering a reservoir are deposited at its upper end
     forming a delta and steadily raising the level of the
     upper reaches of the reservoir. A large area of
     farmland, many villages and even whole towns in the
     Nimad could be affected by flooding due to this
     backwater effect, yet no proper study of this has been
     done.
     
     Kevadia Colony: Work on the infrastructure at Kevadia
     began in 1961 and involved the acquisition of land from
     six adivasi villages. Around 950 families were
     displaced. These people have received little or no
     compensation.
     
     Rock-Filled Dykes: A number of holding ponds between
     the reservoir and the main canal have been impounded by
     rock-filled dykes, displacing around 900 families from
     five adivasi villages in Gujarat between 1983 and 1991.
     
     Marooned Land: The rugged nature of the adivasi areas
     means that many families will find their houses and
     lands isolated on small islands or inaccessible
     peninsulas. As no proper land surveys have been done in
     Madhya Pradesh, the authorities do not know how many
     people will be affected in this way.

Resettlement Conditions

The resettlement package differs between the three states.
PAPs from Gujarat, or those from Maharashtra and MP willing
to move to Gujarat, are eligible for a minimum of two
hectares (five acres) of irrigable land in the command area
of the project as well as house sites and some cash
compensation. Major sons (those over 18) and landless
families (many of the tribal families cultivate land to
which they have no legal title) are also eligible for two
hectares of land under Gujarat's policy. 'Landless' oustees
and major sons settling in Maharashtra receive only one
hectare; those in MP are not eligible for any land.

  The authorities claim that around 7000 PAPs have been
resettled in Gujarat and Maharashtra. No oustees have been
resettled in MP. Those who have been resettled face a
multitude of hardships and many have returned to their
original villages. The stress and impoverishment caused by
resettlement has increased death rates among the oustees,
especially of children. The problems, which have been
extensively noted by the official resettlement monitoring
agencies and the World Bank's Independent Review include:
     
     * lack of grazing lands, firewood, drinking water, and
       cremation facilities;
     * poor quality, flood-prone cropland, land which is
       not irrigable and plots which are less than the two
       hectares promised (the supposed two hectare minimum
       has in practice turned into a two hectare maximum);
     * disputes over ownership of resettlement plots and
       conflicts with host communities;
     * villages,  hamlets and even families split  up  among
       many different resettlement sites.
     
GoG has acquired under 14,000 hectares of land for the PAPs
who have been resettled in the state, spread over
approximately 400 different resettlement sites. There are no
plans available describing where land will be found for the
remaining 13,000 oustees expected to move to the state. The
acquisition of such large areas of land combined with land
speculation due to SSP has greatly increased land prices in
the command area, inflating the cost to the government of
acquiring land, and encouraging the government to buy land
of increasingly inferior quality. GoM has only after great
difficulty and controversy persuaded the MoEF to release
4,300 hectares of forest land for resettlement in
Maharashtra. This is only just over half the land needed for
oustees in the state. GoMP admits that it is unable to
acquire any agricultural land for resettlement.

Position of the Madhya Pradesh Government

An important recent development has been that the new
government in Madhya Pradesh, elected in November 1993, has
admitted that MP cannot resettle the huge numbers of people
in the state to be displaced by SSP as currently planned. A
GoMP note circulated at an all-party meeting called by the
MP Chief Minister Digvijay Singh in February 1994,
recommended that the full reservoir level should be reduced
from 455 feet (139 m) to 436 feet (133 m) asl which would
spare from submergence over 8,100 hectares (20,000 acres) of
land and 38,000 people in MP alone. The NWDT decided on the
455 feet level rather than 436 feet solely on the basis of
the extra power it would provide. No water supply benefits
would be lost by reducing the height. GoMP engineers have
now calculated that as the Narmada flow is 17% less than the
NWDT assumed, the reservoir level could be reduced to 422
feet and still supply the same amount of water to the
Gujarat canals as a reservoir at 455 feet. Digvijay Singh
(an engineer by training) wrote to Prime Minister Narasimha
Rao in March 1994, saying that there was consensus among
MP's political parties that the dam height should be
reduced. GoMP has also said that it is willing to forego its
57% share of the electricity produced by SSP.

Indian Review Committee

In August 1993 the central government set up a committee to
'look into all aspects of SSP'. The committee heard
submissions from GoI, GoMP, GoM, the NBA, affected people
and independent experts. GoG boycotted the review although
Gujaratis close to the state government, including Mr C.C.
Patel, an ex-Chairman of the Narmada Nigam who has been one
of the key promoters of the project, did give evidence. The
committee was originally due to submit its report to GoI by
December 1993 but the date has been continually moved
forward and it has still not been submitted. GoG has
launched a legal action against the review in the Gujarat
High Court, on the grounds that it is illegal under the
terms of the NWDT Award. The committee's report cannot be
submitted until the case goes to the High Court, which,
under political pressure, has still not set a date for the
hearing.

                           -o-o-o-

     Metric and imperial units have been used according to
     their usage in official sources. Elevations are
     presented as Above Sea Level when this is how
     the statistics are normally presented by the dam
     authorities.

                International Rivers Network
                          Berkeley
                      California 94703
                             USA
                      Tel. 510 848-1155
                      Fax. 510 848-1008
                              



