[Date Prev][Date Next][Thread Prev][Thread Next][Date Index][Thread Index]
DAM-L LS: Pak Mun protesters hungry for justice (fwd)
----- Forwarded message from owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net -----
From owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net Thu Aug 3 21:14:37 2000
Return-Path: <owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net>
Received: from DaVinci.NetVista.net (mjdomo@mail.netvista.net [206.170.46.10])
by lox.sandelman.ottawa.on.ca (8.8.7/8.8.8) with ESMTP id VAA16146
for <dianne@sandelman.ottawa.on.ca>; Thu, 3 Aug 2000 21:14:36 -0400 (EDT)
From: owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net
Received: [(from mjdomo@localhost)
by DaVinci.NetVista.net (8.10.0/8.8.8) id e7416Vf09320
for irn-mekong-list; Thu, 3 Aug 2000 18:06:31 -0700 (PDT)
(envelope-from owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net)]
Date: Thu, 3 Aug 2000 18:06:31 -0700 (PDT)
Message-Id: <200008040106.e7416Vf09320@DaVinci.NetVista.net>
subject: LS: Pak Mun protesters hungry for justice
Sender: owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net
Precedence: bulk
Hungry for justice
Bangkok Post, Outlook, August 2. 2000
Protesters from the Assembly of the Poor are staging Thailand's first mass
hunger strike, hoping to tug at the hearts of the powers-that-be. Will it
work, or will they come up empty-handed again?
Atiya Achakulwisut and Vasana Chinvarakorn
Two weeks ago, Sa-nguan Puebkhunthod was hospitalised after a beating by
riot police for trespassing on Government House. She was part of a
desperate attempt by the Assembly of the Poor to air their grievances.
Last week, Sa-nguan joined other villagers in a hunger strike, to both fast
and develop feelings of goodwill for the powers-that-be.
"They trampled us as if we were not humans," the frail villager from
Chaiyaphum said. "I saw a 70-year-old grandmother being hit until her head
was bleeding."She pointed out that these incidents took place during last
month's Buddhist holidays. Instead of religious ceremonies, July 16 and 17
witnessed a bloody confrontation between Isan villagers and the
establishment as the former tried to break into Government House in a
desperate bid to urge the Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai to help them.
About two hundred men and women, including one child, were rounded up and
charged with trespassing in the incident. The case is still pending, and
villagers, if found guilty, could end up spending time behind bars.
"We didn't want to harm anybody. We had only our bare hands. The only thing
we wanted to say was that our suffering is real, and that we were not
hirelings trying to pressure the government," the mother of six said. To
prove her sincerity, Sa-nguan has recently resorted to a new "voice"-that
of silence. Since July 27, scores of Isan villagers, as members of the
Assembly of the Poor, have been staging a hunger strike, the first mass
hunger strike ever staged in Thailand. It began with 39 villagers and their
number has fluctuated ever since. There are currently 26, and the hunger
strike is now entering its second week.
Boonsong Ampadcha, 43, wanted to join, but a preliminary medical check-up
found that the mother of three was not healthy enough to withstand the
ordeal. Since she was informed a few years ago that her house would be
inundated because of a dam project, Boonsong's health has been suffering.
Doctors finally diagnosed her with low blood pressure, and the symptoms, at
times, are so severe she must receive injections on a daily basis. But why
a hunger strike? What good will starvation do when more forceful methods,
such as long marches under the scorching sun, endless rounds of debates,
and months of sit-ins at public places, have not worked?
Is the hunger strike an act of violence?
The first question many people ask upon hearing of the mass hunger strike
is whether the strike, which puts the lives of people at risk, is an
unnecessary act of violence which could provoke more violence in response.
Dr Chaiwat Satha-anan, a peace theorist from Thammasat University who has
studied the politics of non-violence for more than a decade, has a more
positive view of the on-going hunger strike.
"We have to consider the purpose [of the action]. In this context, the
villagers are trying to communicate their suffering. They would like
society to listen to their plight. And they hope that when the public
hears, they will help better the situation," Dr Chaiwat explained. Asked if
the hunger strike was a kind of ultimatum designed to pressure the
government and society, Dr Chaiwat said there was nothing wrong with using
non-violent means to exert pressure.
"Sometimes, protesters appeal directly to opponents, asking for sympathy
and help in changing whatever the grievance might be. Another way is to
make the public at large feel their pain. And hopefully, the people will
force the responsible agencies to help the protesters."For Phra Paisarn
Visalo, author of several titles on strategies to achieve peace, the
ammunition for this duel is strength of heart and selflessness.
"Those who go on a hunger strike out of self-interest will not last long,"
said the monk, "because they will eventually succumb to doubt and
temptation. But fasting for the public good will, over time, unlock the key
to other people's hearts. The rich and the more powerful aren't necessarily
stronger in this case.
"Such fasting in itself never breeds violence. In the past, the escalation
into the use of force was due to other factors, such as bad timing and poor
planning."
Does the hunger strike violate Buddhist teachings?
To many Buddhists, fasting, which torments the body, could be considered a
form of violence that should perhaps not be condoned.
However, Phra Paisarn argues there is a significant exception to the rule.
The venerable monk cited one well known Buddhist aphorism urging one to
give up wealth in order to save one's organs, to sacrifice the organs if
that rescues a life, and finally to abandon even life itself in order to
protect dhamma.
"Lord Buddha himself, in one of his previous incarnations, allowed himself
to be eaten by a pair of tigers and thus prevented further killing," Phra
Paisarn said during his visit to the protest camp. "The crux of the matter
is the act must be done, not for one's own self-interest, but for the
benefit of the public."Buddhist scholar Santisuk Sophonsiri agrees, casting
the on-going strike as a battle against injustice, with the villagers
seeking to wake society up from the malaise of spiritual lethargy.
Santisuk views the poor as divine messengers who are resorting to using
their own bodies to remind the public of the coming crisis-that
disintegration of rural communities, and natural resources, will sooner or
later entail the downfall of all.
But isn't there a more effective, but less painful, way to make this
wake-up call? In some circumstances, that seems to be the case, but
desperate people must often resort to drastic measures.
Phra Paisarn referred to the Vietnam War, when talks about peace abounded,
and yet seemed to fall on deaf ears. Desperate to end mass killings, a few
Vietnamese monks and nuns were driven to self-immolation. This severe act,
noted Phra Paisarn, was a form of "talk" to convey the gravity of the
subject-for them, peace is precious enough to give up one's life.
Was the villagers' trespassing on Government House illegal? Can one break
the law in the name of a non-violent protest?
A non-violent protest can be conducted through both legal and illegal
means, Dr Chaiwat said. Some types of non-violent struggle are specifically
designed to change unfair legislation, such as the campaigns for the rights
of blacks in the US during the 1960s led by civil rights leaders like the
Rev Martin Luther King Jr.
"The campaigners did many things that were against the law, trespassing
included, to bring to light the discrimination they were suffering "Gandhi
violated the law, too. When the English forbade Indians from making salt,
he led the people, including members of Congress, on a march to the sea to
make salt-an illegal act according to the law at that time," Dr Chaiwat
pointed out.
It must be noted, however, that if illegal means are utilised, protesters
must bear the consequences. If protesters are to stay true to the practice
of civil disobedience, they should not ask the authorities to exempt them
from prosecution. Phra Paisarn conceded that trespassing was against the
law; however, the monk questions the propriety of resorting to force to
handle the situation. Moreover, Santisuk contended the villagers' descent
on Government House stemmed from the fact that key decisions that have long
affected their lives had been made there.
Elections at the local level are, sadly, only a superficial form of the
decentralisation of power. As long as the state continues to impose
projects that ignore the needs of the locals, Santisuk predicted,
Government House would remain the centre of popular protest, and perhaps
the scene of even more violence in the future.
Will the hunger strike soften city dwellers to the plight of Isan people
and the Assembly of the Poor?
Recent polls are not encouraging. Up to 80 percent of Bangkokians stated
their disapproval in polls conducted by Abac and Suan Dusit.
On the other hand, Dr Chaiwat said, a poll was not a complete answer. "Many
people may not agree with the hunger strike, but they may sympathise with
the poor."American Buddhist monk Santikaro Bhikkhu made the wry observation
that the sentiment of patriotism-people feeling they belong to one
another-seems to rise only during international sports tournaments.
The ditch that divides the protesters' makeshift village from the police
station at Government House reflects the gap between city people and rural
people, and the rich and the poor.
Like Phra Paisarn, Santikaro advocates a long-term assessment of the
problems extending beyond the immediate confrontation. He said the middle
class in the city should ask the salient question: Why are the protesters
here?The deprivation of rural people has largely to do with the ability of
urban dwellers to bask in the "sinful culture of excess", Santisuk said.
Understandably, city dwellers may hesitate to side with protesters. "Rural
people who work in the city may share the same logic. A taxi driver may
come from the Northeast. But his biggest problem now is not whether
villagers at Pak Moon can make a living. Rather, his concern is whether the
petrol prices will rise or how many passengers he can find that day," Dr
Chaiwat added ruefully.
The gap between the haves and have-nots has existed for a long time and so
far we have lived with it. What will happen if the divide grows?
Phra Paisarn is concerned about the future of Thai society, as the
agricultural sector, a cushion in times of crisis, has been exploited to
the point of depletion.
The Royal Plaza incident, when a poorly built hotel suddenly collapsed,
could be a metaphor of what's in store for the whole country, the monk warned.
Dr Chaiwat shares this bleak outlook.
If people in anguish try to cry for help, he said, but people in society
cannot hear these cries for help, they will simply have to use other means
to make their voices heard.
"In seeking additional attention and solutions to their problems, these
people may resort to other, more dangerous means," Dr Chaiwat noted. If
that happens, their problems will no longer be theirs alone, but those of
society. We have two options, Dr Chaiwat said. One is to train our ears so
that we hear the early cries for help. The second is to keep the gap and
live with the insecurity, investing in building more prisons, constructing
more walls and hiring more guards.
Will the hunger strike work if the government does not care?
According to Dr Chaiwat, a hunger strike is not aimed at creating a sense
of caring. Whether it succeeds in achieving its goals or not depends on how
forces around the government work. "The government may not respond to the
hunger strike per se but it has to respond to the power around it.
"The next question, then, is to which force the government will be
accountable?
If the hunger strike can move those forces, then those forces can pressure
the government to act in their favour," the lecturer explained. At present,
the hunger strike has not led to any understanding, he said. The situation
is also confusing, with various special interest groups making moves and
demands all at the same time. "From what I know, there is a feeling among
city people that these villagers are insatiable. They never hesitate to
demand more. "However, I think the Assembly of the Poor has explained time
and again that they are not asking for compensation for land." Instead, the
villagers are seeking to reclaim lost livelihoods. The point, however,
seems lost in the midst of public apathy.
Will the hunger strike lead to liberation and forgiveness?
Dr Chaiwat said the hunger strike was one non-violent means for victims to
fight back. Forgiveness, he said, was impossible under several circumstances.
"If I were a mouse and you were a cat and I was caught in your claws, how
could you expect me to forgive you? It just doesn't make sense."The hunger
strike can stop the victims from being victimised. The next step, however,
is to establish justice and forgive the injustices and liberate both sides
from an endless cycle of revenge. Regardless of the outcome, Santikaro
foresees one immediate benefit on the part of those joining the hunger
strike and the on-going protest. Living together in the makeshift tents and
sharing the same bitter fate has taught them an invaluable lesson on
peaceful co-existence. Santisuk, meanwhile, hopes all parties concerned
will abandon self-interest and search sincerely for solutions. Rural
protesters have long made sacrifices in the process of development.
Depleted of both resources and opportunity, life seems to have become the
only stake they have left. As long as society continues to ignore their
plight, their last gamble may be too expensive for all to bear.
Business people show compassion
Prida Tiasuwan, Executive Chairman of Pranda Jewellery Plc
Apart from convincing fellow business people to listen to the problems of
the Assembly of the Poor, Prida Tiasuwan and his business friends have also
donated money to their cause. He has just returned from a visit to Pak Moon
Dam, collecting first-hand information on the dam's effect on the
villagers. "I became interested in the issue when I saw the beating of
villagers (after trespassing at Government House) on television. Footage of
the event was aired around the world and it was really negative for the
country. So I began to pay attention. I wanted to know what was going on."
Prida studied the report prepared by the government-appointed committee to
solve the villagers' problems. He and 14 other business people invited
representatives of the Assembly of the Poor to brief them about the
problems villagers were facing. Prida's group then donated about 100,000
baht to the villagers. "At first, I had the same thoughts as many members
of the middle class have. I believed the protesters were organised by
ill-intentioned parties. "When I talked to them, however, I realised these
villagers were suffering greatly. "I just went to the Pak Moon Dam. The
villagers can no longer make a living by fishing. They used to make 5,000
to 6,000 baht a month from their catch, but now they are lucky if they can
make 50 or 100 baht. What can they do?" Prida also said it was sad that
most city dwellers did not understand the protesters. He believes, however,
that this ignorance is not the result of apathy, but rather the lack of
adequate information about the protesters' problems.
While many in the business world view the current hunger strike as having
nothing to do with them, Prida said this was not true. "I am in the export
business. The country's image is all-important. If my clients see how our
government goes around beating protesters, they may refuse our goods on
grounds of the abuse of human rights." If the government is not serious
about resolving the conflict, the problem would further damage the
country's standing in the eyes of investors. "If investors are scared away,
it will further hurt our staggering economy," Prida warned. He conceded
that at first he was quite apprehensive about supporting the poor openly.
"When I received all the necessary information and testimonials from the
villagers, it dawned on me that the suffering was all too real. I believe
that deep inside, all of us still care. We simply can't ignore those who
are in pain. So I stopped worrying. "I think that what I did is what other
city dwellers and members of the middle class would like to do and should
do," Prida said.
'Resolutions' only partial satisfaction
As Cabinet unveiled its plan on July 25 to deal with the demands of the
Assembly of the Poor, some Bangkokians quickly jumped to the conclusion
that everything is fine, and the Northeastern villagers should go home.
But for those protesting in front of Government House, the Cabinet's
resolutions, made in response to recommendations by a neutral committee
appointed in early June, are merely half-baked answers. Where, in fact, are
the shortcomings, or are the Isan protesters being greedy?The Chuan-led
government agreed to certain key demands, such as opening the sluice gates
at the Pak Moon and Rasi Salai dams, as well as an agreement to conduct a
review of four projects, namely the Pong Khun Phet Dam, the Hua Na Dyke,
the Lam Dome Yai Dam, and the commercial development programme at the
Thai-Lao border point of Chong Mek.
The gates at both Pak Moon and Rasi Salai dams were in fact already open;
at Pak Moon because of flooding, and at Rasi Salai because on July 6,
Science and Technology Minister Arthit Ourairat ordered them to be opened
for two years in response to villagers' protests.
On the other hand, the Chuan government held steadfastly to two
controversial laws: the Cabinet resolutions issued on April 21 and June 30
of 1998.
The first rules out any state responsibility in providing retroactive
compensation, even if people continue to suffer from negative effects of
state-initiated projects. Those affected by the Sirindhorn Dam, for
example, are left out in the cold.
The second bill states the government will acknowledge villagers' right to
continue living in areas designated national forest reserves only with the
presentation of physical evidence, like aerial or satellite photos, that
they live there.
In effect, the enactment cancels previous agreements between the Assembly
and the Chavalit Yongchaiyudh coalition said to better recognise local
people's right to manage natural resources as stipulated in the
Constitution. Moreover, a proposal to set up joint committees to address
land disputes comprising both state officials and villagers has been
scrapped, and the committees are to be replaced by panels run solely by the
government.
Historically, the land disputes stem from the fact that the announcements
of national forest boundaries were often made arbitrarily, without regard
for those already residing in the areas. In many cases, official aerial
mapping was undertaken well after the designation was made.
The Cabinet's new resolution does not bode well for Isan villagers
currently charged with forest encroachment. The disputed areas cited by the
Assembly include the national forest reserves at Pha Taem, Hin Kong and
Kaeng Tana, Dong Phu Loan, Lang Phu, Kud Chomphoo, and Ban Tunglung, all in
Ubon Ratchathani province.
In addition, the Chuan-led government has kept quiet on the neutral
committee's long-term recommendations, the most salient aspect of which is
the need to improve the quality of social and environmental impact
assessment studies.
Neither has the Cabinet responded to the recommendation that all future
large-scale dam projects be shelved until the decision-making process is of
a better standard, or that the dams should be decommissioned altogether if
post-project evaluations find the returns to be unsatisfactory. The Chuan
Cabinet did not formally respond to the neutral committee's recommendations
for almost three weeks, a period that could have been longer had
Northeastern villagers not broken into Government House on July 16,
prompting violent crack-downs, mass arrests, and waves of publicity.
----- End of forwarded message from owner-irn-mekong@netvista.net -----